A - 


a.  ct- 


■R^.1 


RACE  RELATIONS 
IN  1927 


COMMISSION  ON  INTERRACIAL  COOPERATION 
409  PALMER  BUILDING 
ATLANTA,  GEORGIA 


Race  Relations  in  1927 


For  ton  years  the  outstanding  fact  in  American  race  relations  has 
been  the  shift  of  Negro  population  from  the  rural  sections  to  the  cities 
and  from  the  South  to  the  North.  During  the  last  census  period  the 
center  of  Negro  population  moved  nineteen  miles  North,  and  the 
urban  Negro  population  increased  more  than  two  million.  This  move- 
ment is  continuous,  though  it  is  no  longer  a rush.  Although  the  shift 
is  more  gradual,  there  are  no  indications  that  it  will  cease.  Negroes 
are  leaving  the  rural  sections  of  the  South  to  seek  what  they  consider 
better  economic  opportunities,  greater  safety  of  life  and  property, 
and  superior  educational  advantages  for  their  children.  The  shift 
leaves  in  the  rural  sections  from  which  they  go  many  depleted  Negro 
communities  where  it  is  more  difficult  to  maintain  schools  and 
churches,  and  it  brings  into  new  communities  the  questions  of  hous- 
ing and  segregation.  The  latter  problem  reached  its  most  acute  ex- 
pression in  the  high  school  strike  at  Gary,  a significant  feature  of 
which  was  the  fact  that  a large  percentage  of  the  strikers  were  young 
people  whose  parents  were  born  in  European  countries,  indicating  the 
presence  of  new  elements  in  American  race  prejudice  due  to  economic 
fear  and  industrial  competition. 

LYNCHING  AND  MOB  VIOLENCE 

The  lynching  records  of  Tuskegee  Institute  for  1927  are  as  follows: 
Arkansas  3,  Kentucky  1,  Louisiana  1,  Mississippi  7,  Missouri  1,  Ten- 
nessee 2,  Texas  1,  a total  of  16.  Compared  with  the  thirty  lynch- 
ings  of  1926  the  decrease  is  encouraging.  The  lynching  area,  also, 
has  been  further  limited.  This  is- due  to  the  fact  that  in  all  the  states 
except  Mississippi  there  is  now  persistent  and  aggressive  opposition 
on  the  part  of  an  increasing  number  of  public  officials  and  private 
citizens.  A similar  group  is  becoming  more 'vocal  each  year  in 
Mississippi,  but  as  yet  it  seems  to  have  been  unable  to  make  any 
effective  impression  upon  public  opinion  in  that  state. 

In  most  states  sheriffs  and  other  officers,  in  response  to  public  opin- 
ion, are  becoming  more  determined  and  intelligent  in  opposing  mob 
violence.  The  reduction  in  the  number  of  lynchings  is  due  more  large- 
ly to  this  better  attitude  on  the  part  of  sheriffs  than  to  any  other 
single  force,  and  emphasizes  the  importance  of  good  citizens  through- 


out  the  South  keeping  in  constant  touch  with  the  sheriff’s  office  and 
doing  everything  in  their  power  to  keep  that  official  keenly  alive  to 
his  responsibility  in  relation  to  this  vital  question. 

There  seems  to  have  been  an  increase  during  the  year  in  the  practice 
of  flogging.  While  the  flogging  of  white  persons  has  received  the 
major  part  of  newspaper  attention,  the  victims  of  floggings  have 
probably  been  divided  about  equally  between  whites  and  Negroes. 
There  are  two  very  well  authenticated  cases  of  Negro  land  owners 
who  were  whipped  by  masked  and  hooded  mobs  in  order  to  force  them 
to  sell  their  lands. 

Medals  for  distinguished  service  in  successfully  resisting  mobs  have 
been  awarded  during  the  year  to  a number  of  sheriffs  by  a committee 
composed  of  ex-Governor  Hugh  M.  Dorsey,  of  Georgia,  Governor  John 
W.  Martin,  of  Florida,  Mr.  Marshall  Ballard,  editor  of  the  New  Orleans 
Item,  Mrs.  J.  H.  McCoy,  President  of  Athens  College,  Athens,  Ala- 
bama, and  Mr.  G.  B.  Dealey,  owner  and  manager  of  the  Dallas  News. 
This  is  one  of  several  lines  of  effort  to  place  emphasis  on  the  import- 
ance of  the  sheriff  in  relation  to  the  administration  of  law. 

COURTS  DO  NOT  CONVICT 

Over  against  the  activities  of  sheriffs  in  opposing  mobs  the  failure 
of  the  courts  to  convict  mob  members  must  be  recorded.  With  one 
or  two  exceptions  there  have  been  no  convictions,  either  of  floggers 
or  lynchers,  and  in  many  instances  there  has  been  no  aggressive  effort 
on  the  part  of  grand  juries  and  court  officials  to  secure  such  con- 
victions. This  is  true  both  North  and  South.  Experience  seems  to 
indicate  that  in  most  American  communities  the  members  of  lynch- 
ing and  flogging  bands  need  have  little  or  no  fear  of  prosecution. 

No  discussion  of  tihe  improvement  in  lynching  would  be  complete 
which  failed  to  record  the  aggressive,  consistent,  and  intelligent  work 
to  this  end  which  has  been  done  by  the  leading  daily  papers  of  the 
South.  In  season  and  out,  both  on  the  editorial  pages  and  in  the 
news  columns,  this  issue  has  been  kept  before  the  people  in  a most 
intelligent  and  effective  way.  Too  much  credit  cannot  be  given  to  the 
newspapers. 

EDUCATION 

During  the  year  there  has  been  an  encouraging  increase  in  the 
support  by  the  states  of  institutions  for  higher  education.  The  Gen- 
eral Assembly  of  Georgia,  for  instance,  increased  the  support  of  the 
State  College  at  Savannah  from  $10,000  a year  for  maintenance  to 
$32,666  a year  for  maintenance  and  appropriated  $50,000  for  buildings 
and  equipment.  This  was  done  without  opposition,  and  is  fairly 
typical  of  the  attitude  of  southern  legislatures  on  this  question. 


Toward  the  close  of  the  year  the  four  thousandth  Rosenwald  rural 
school  was  completed,  and  the  number  of  tax-supported  high  schools 
for  Negro  youth  constantly  grows  throughout  the  South.  The  City 
of  Houston  has  just  added  the  junior  college  to  its  school  system,  and 
it  is  significant  and  encouraging  that  such  provision  was  made  for 
Negroes  as  well  as  for  whites. 

But  while  it  is  true  that  the  provisions  for  Negro  education  are 
steadily  growing  better,  the  wide  discrepancy  between  the  respective 
expenditures  for  white  and  Negro  education  remains  about  the  same. 
One  county,  for  instance,  spends  $57.51  per  year  for  each  white  child 
of  school  age  and  $1.50  for  each  Negro  child  of  school  age.  This  is 
probably  the  extreme.  Following  are  the  latest  available  figures  for 
various  Southern  States : 


Alabama  

Arkansas  ..... 

Florida  

Georgia  

Louisiana  

Mississippi  

North  Carolina 
South  Carolina 

Tennessee  

Texas  

Virginia  


Average  Annual  Expenditures 
per  Child  of  School  Age 
For  Whites  For  Negroes 


$26  57 

$ 3.81 

. 13.36 

6.48 

. 42.01 

7.33 

. 25.84 

5.78 

. 33.73 

5.48 

. 25.95 

5.62 

. 25.31 

7.52 

. 27.88 

2.74 

. 21.02 

11.88 

. 31.77 

20.24 

-‘,0.27 

10.47 

The  effect  of  this  disparity  is  very  evident  in  the  shorter  terms, 
smaller  salaries,  and  less  adequate  facilities  for  Negro  children.  The 
development  of  schools  for  Negroes  is  an  essential  element  in  the 
South’s  general  educational  development,  but  so  far  these  schools  lag 
far  behind  the  average.  It  is  well  to  remember  that  the  Rosenwald 
Fund  has  furnished  a third  of  the  money  for  four  thousand  of  the 
newer  Negro  schools,  and  that  the  masses  of  Negro  children  are  still 
housed  in  miserable  buildings  and  taught  for  a short  term  by  inex- 
perienced and  untrained  teachers. 

Probably  the  most  discouraging  educational  situation  of  the  year 
has  been  the  failure  of  the  city  of  Atlanta  to  live  up  to  its  promises 
and  its  record  of  recent  years.  During  the  bond  issue  campaign  of 
1926  the  mayor  and  other  public  officials  promised  Atlanta  Negroes 
that  a proportionate  part  of  the  issue,  if  voted,  would  be  spent  for 
Negro  schools.  The  Negroes  accepted  this  assurance  at  face  value  and 


(helped  to  carry  the  election  in  favor  of  the  bonds.  Ignoring  this 
solemn  pledge,  repeatedly  and  publicly  made,  those  responsible  for  the 
expenditure  of  the  funds  are  now  applying  them  almost  entirely  to  the 
needs  of  the  white  schools.  This,  too,  in  face  of  the  fact  that  the 
Negro  schools  of  the  city  are  much  more  crowded,  with  23.97  per 
cent  of  the  Negro  children  attending  schools  having  three  sessions  per 
day,  and  only  2.18  per  cent  of  the  Negro  children  attending  schools 
where  there  is  one  session.  This  failure  of  the  city  to  keep  its  word 
to  its  Negro  citizens  has  undermined  their  faith  in  its  integrity,  and  is 
doing  much  to  complicate  race  relations.  So  flagrant  a breach  of 
faith  must  inevitably  make  for  disillusionment  and  bitterness. 

WELFARE 

An  encouraging  feature  of  race  relations  is  the  increasing  participa- 
tion of  Negroes  in  the  general  welfare  pi’ograms  of  the  communities, 
both  as  beneficiaries  and  as  contributors.  This  applies  alike  to  state, 
municipal  and  volunteer  programs.  The  community  chest  movement 
in  southern  cities  is  rendering  a definite  service  in  the  field  of  race 
relations  by  making  possible  more  adequate  funds  for  Negro  agencies 
and  institutions,  by  developing  Negro  contributors  to  these  community 
enterprises,  and  by  multiplying  the  number  of  contacts  between  the 
white  and  colored  communities  on  the  high  plane  of  service  in 
common  community  tasks,  and  by  promoting  helpful  cooperation 
between  white  and  colored  social  workers. 

The  growing  demand  for  Negro  workers  by  all  types  of  social 
agencies  has  led  to  an  interesting  effort  for  the  training  of  such 
workers  according  to  the  most  modern  and  approved  methods.  The 
Atlanta  School  of  Social  Work,  which  was  established  for  that  purpose 
in  1920,  has  passed  the  period  of  experimentation  and  has  proved 
its  ability  to  make  a permanent  contribution  to  social  progress.  Dur- 
ing the  past  year  this  school  has  been  enlarged  and  strengthened. 
In  spite  of  its  increased  student  body,  its  capacity  to  train  Avork- 
ers  is  still  far  behind  the  demand. 

HEALTH 

In  the  field  of  health  decided  progress  has  been  made.  Three 
notable  instances  may  be  mentioned.  The  General  Assembly  of  Geor- 
gia without  opposition  increased  its  health  appropriations  sufficient- 
ly to  provide  for  the  care  of  Negro  patients  in  the  state  sanitarium  for 
tuberculosis.  Walker  County,  Texas,  a rural  county  with  a large  Negro 
population,  has  just  provided  a new  hospital  with  equal  facilities  for 
Negro  and  white  patients,  and  open  alike  to  Negro  and  white  phy- 
sicians. 


The  city  of  Houston,  also,  lias  a new  hospital  for  Negroes,  built  joint- 
ly bj'  private  philanthropy  and  public  appropriation,  but  supported 
by  the  city  and  open  without  discrimination  to  Negro  physicians. 
These  two  hospitals  are  the  beginning  of  the  process  of  hospitalization 
for  Negroes  which  must  ultimately  provide  the  necessary  training 
and  the  facilities  now  so  meagerly  available  for  Negro  physicians. 
TWO  IMPERATIVE  NEEDS 

There  are  two  great  needs  in  the  field  of  public  welfare  that  are 
being  met  very  slowly.  Nothing  has  yet  been  done  by  the  Southern 
States  to  care  for  feeble-minded  Negro  children.  This  is  particularly 
significant  when  one  takes  into  consideration  the  close  relation  be- 
tween feeble-mindedness  and  crimes  of  violence.  With  hardly  an 
institution  for  the  care  of  feeble-minded  Negro  children,  it  is  no  great 
surprise  that  Negroes  occasionally  commit  horrible  crimes.  A scien- 
tific study  of  such  cases  would  probably  indicate  that  they  are  due 
to  the  neglect  of  the  feeble-minded  rather  than  to  racial  character- 
istics. 

The  other  need  is  that  of  adequate  care  on  the  part  of  the  states  for 
Negro  delinquents,  particularly  Negro  girls.  Although  white  and 
colored  women  in  the  Southern  States  have  been  working  together 
for  years  in  behalf  of  such  institutions,  little  progress  has  been  made. 
Legislators  to  whom  these  women  have  appealed  have  in  the  main 
responded  with  derision  or  skepticism  as  to  the  moral  possibilities  of 
this  most  neglected  class. 

INDUSTRIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  OPPORTUNITY 

A most  important  aspect  of  the  relations  of  wrhite  and  colored 
people  in  America  centers  around  their  relations  in  business 
and  industry.  In  sixty  years  Negroes  have  made  remarkable  pro- 
gress in  the  acquisition  of  property  and  business  experience.  It 
is  well  to  note,  however,  that  Negro  business  opportunities  are  limit- 
ed almost  wholly  to  the  Negro  community.  There  is  little  or  no  op- 
portunity for  a Negro  to  get  employment  that  will  give  him  actual 
business  experience  in  white  firms,  and  Negro  business  must  depend 
almost  entirely  on  Negro  patronage  for  its  support.  This  is  a great 
handicap  in  the  way  of  the  economic  development  of  Negroes.  If 
Negroes  are  to  have  an  adequate  economic  foundation  so-called  Negro 
business  must  bid  more  and  more  for  general  patronage,  and  the 
Negro’s  business  ability  must  somehow'  find  avenues  of  expression 
through  general  business  channels. 

The  recent  shift  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Negroes  from  the  low- 
est forms  of  agricultural  activity  to  industry  has  undoubtedly  greatly 


increased  the  incomes  of  these  people.  In  one  or  two  industries,  par- 
ticularly steel,  considerable  advance  has  been  made  by  Negroes  into 
the  more  highly  skilled  operations,  and  there  are  individual  instances 
of  Negroes  who  are  holding  positions  of  influence  and  importance  in 
industrial  plants.  All  of  this  proves  beyond  doubt  that  Negroes  can 
qualify  for  skilled  operations  in  industry.  In  spite  of  this  fact,  the 
great  masses  of  Negro  workers  in  industrial  centers  are  occupied  in 
unskilled  tasks  and  in  heavy  common  labor.  The  attitude  of  white 
workers  is  such  that  labor  managers  usually  hesitate  to  give  these  new 
Negro  workers  opportunity  to  demonstrate  their  ability  in  other  than 
the  most  unskilled  positions.  There  are  many  evidences  that  white  work- 
ers are  becoming  increasingly  aware  of  the  encroachment  of  these 
colored  workers  on  American  industrial  life,  and  instead  of  making 
common  cause  with  them  there  seems  to  be  a tendency  to  look  upon 
them  as  enemies  who  threaten  the  security  of  white  labor.  Because 
of  this,  local  labor  unions,  controlled  by  white  leaders,  have  been 
very  slow  to  admit  colored  workers.  In  a few  cities  definite  efforts 
have  been  made  to  exclude  Negroes  from  profitable  employment  by 
means  of  legislation. 

There  is  grave  danger  that  at  this  point  race  relations  will  in  the 
future  become  yet  more  strained.  It  is  obvious  tihat  those  who  deal 
with  this  question  must  give  increasing  attention  to  these  economic 
and  industrial  issues. 

COLLEGE  COURSES  IN  RACE  RELATIONS 

The  growth  of  social  science  teaching  in  the  universities  and  colleges 
of  the  South  is  an  encouraging  feature  in  the  academic  life  of  the 
times,  and  explains  in  part  the  increasing  attention  that  the  colleges 
are  devoting  to  the  study  of  race  problems.  Something  like  a hun- 
dred institutions  are  offering  such  courses,  and  the  interest  grows 
from  year  to  year.  Tn  Texas  the  teachers  of  social  science  giving  such 
courses  have  formed  a state-wide  organization  which  includes  the 
teachers  of  social  science  in  white  and  Negro  institutions.  They  hold 
annual  meetings,  discuss  common  problems  and  exchange  experiences. 
So  satisfactory  was  the  first  meeting  of  these  white  and  colored 
teachers  that  they  have  taken  steps  to  develop  gradually  a series  of 
contacts  between  white  and  colored  teachers  generally  in  that  State. 

The  office  of  the  Interracial  Commission  has  daily  requests  during 
the  school  year  from  teachers  and  students  for  materials  to  be  used 
in  courses,  or  to  be  worked  into  term  papers  and  graduating  theses. 
The  range  of  these  requests  expands  each  year,  and  the  numbers  mul- 
tiply. Just  now  considerable  discussion  is  going  on  among  those  who 
are  teaching  these  courses  as  to  the  best  materials  available,  and  plans 


are  on  foot  for  the  production  of  a text  book  based  on  the  experience 
of  those  who  have  actually  done  the  teaching. 

Of  exceptional  significance  is  the  development  of  these  courses  in 
teachers’  colleges.  One  of  the  state  colleges  for  teachers  has  been  of- 
fering in  the  cities  race  relations  extension  courses  for  which  teachers 
are  given  certificates  and  advancement.  In  one  case  last  year  such  a 
course  was  given  to  a hundred  teachers  regularly  employed  in  the  city 
schools.  The  experiment  was  Satisfactory,  and  this  year  the  course 
is  being  taken  to  another  city.  This  seems  to  point  to  the  possibility 
of  getting  such  courses  in  operation  generally  in  teachers’  colleges, 
and  in  extension  classes  among  teachers  already  in  the  school  room. 
STUDENT  ACTIVITIES 

While  these  class-room  courses  are  absolutely  fundamental,  no  small 
amount  of  very  important  work  is  going  on  among  the  students  outside 
the  class  room.  Forums  between  white  and  colored  students  have 
been  held  in  eight  or  ten  student  centers.  The  program  of  these  forums 
has  varied.  Some  of  them  have  met  as  many  as  six  times  a year, 
some  once  a month  during  the  school  year,  and  some  oftener.  They 
have  not  confined  their  discussions  to  race  relations,  but  have  con- 
sidered various  topics  of  common  interest.  While  these  forums 
probably  have  not  contributed  anything  very  fundamental  to  the  solu- 
tion of  the  race  problem,  the  meetings  have  resulted  in  better  under- 
standing and  greater  mutual  appreciation,  and  in  personal  friendships 
which  will  abide.  The  experience  has  undoubtedly  been  worth  more  to 
the  white  students  than  to  the  colored.  This  movement  is  fostered 
by  an  interracial  committee'  of  students  from  the  colleges  of  the  South- 
ern States.  While  it  does  not  bulk  large,  it  is  one  among  the  simple 
bridges  that  are  beginning  to  span  the  chasm  between  white  and 
colored  communities. 

The  Commission  on  Interracial  Cooperation  promotes  an  annual 
theme  contest  among  college  students  on  some  subject  bearing  on 
race  relations.  In  1927  fifty-five  papers  were  submitted  from  thirty- 
three  institutions.  The  papers  submitted,  of  course,  were  the  best  of 
those  produced  in  the  several  institutions,  and  in  some  instances,  were 
carried  in  the  college  papers.  Invariably  they  reflected  an  open- 
minded,  tolerant  attitude  on  the  part  of  the  writers.  By  this  means 
probably  several  hundred  students  wrere  led  to  think  and  write  on 
the  subject. 

For  the  first  time  an  effort  Avas  made  last  year  to  bring  the  same 
subject  to  the  attention  of  high  school  students.  An  encouraging 
aspect  of  this  experiment  Avas  the  hearty  cooperation  of  many  prin- 


cipals  and  teachers  in  white  high  schools.  Nearly  three  hundred 
papers  of  a thousand  words  each  were  submitted  to  the  judges  in  con- 
nection with  this  project,  and  doubtless  many  more  were  produced. 
Through  this  project  three  important  groups  were  reached:  the  high 
school  students  themselves,  the  principals  and  teachers  in  high  schools, 
and  the  families  of  children  participating,  by  whom,  it  is  reasonable 
to  suppose,  the  matter  was  discussed.  These  papers  again  reflected 
a spirit  of  open-mindedness  and  tolerance  which  is  very  encouraging. 

RESEARCH  PROJECTS 

One  of  the  great  needs  of  the  racial  situation  in  America  is  ex- 
haustive, scientific  study.  Slowly  this  is  getting  under  way.  Through 
the  cooperation  of  various  agencies  there  is  being  made  this  year  a 
careful  study  of  the  life  of  the  people  on  St.  Helena’s  Island.  This 
should  yield  important  results  for  the  anthropologist  in  the  study  of 
social  institutions  and  show  the  natural  development  of  a Negro 
community  with  the  minimum  contact  with  whites.  The  result  of  an 
exhaustive  study  of  the  recent  urbanization  of  Negroes  is  now  on  the 
press  under  the  title.  “Negro  Contacts  in  American  Cities.”  A 
limited  but  very  ably  led  project  is  now  under  way  to  ascertain  the 
causes  of  race  prejudice,  to  discover  the  biological,  social,  psychological 
and  economic  roots  of  racial  antagonism.  The  first  need  is  for  a 
reliable  technique  for  such  study.  A number  of  competent  scientists 
have  an  increasing  interest  in  the  intellectual  capacity  of  Negro 
children.  Here  again  trustworthy  methods  are  necessary,  and  within 
the  last  year  all  those  interested  in  this  field  have  been  brought 
together  and  are  working  out  a cooperative  project  that  ought  soon 
to  throw  much  additional  light  on  this  important  subject.  In  the 
field  of  scientific  study,  however,  only  a beginning  has  been  made, 
and  as  the  years  go  by  it  must  be  given  increasing  attention. 

Interest  in  the  literature  and  art  of  Negroes  is  rapidly  growing 
•among  white  people.  The  poems  of  Countee  Cullen  and  James  Weldon 
Johnson,  the  singing  of  Roland  Hayes,  and  many  other  literary  and 
artistic  productions  are  being  eagerly  studied  in  college  classes  and 
by  thoughtful  people  throughout  the  country.  The  high  quality  of 
some  of  this  material  is  undoubtedly  inducing  a more  tolerant  and 
appreciative  attitude  toward  the  race  which  produced  it. 

THE  CHURCHES 

It  would  seem  axiomatic  that  the  churches  would  he  the  most  active 
and  energetic  agencies  for  the  creation  of  racial  tolerance  and  co- 
operation. This  is  certainly  true  of  the  organized  white  church  women 
of  the  South,  whose  interest  and  activity  in  this  field  cannot  be  given  too 


much  credit.  A second  encouraging  aspect  of  the  churches’  interest  is 
the  substantial  financial  support  given  the  Interracial  Commission  by 
certain  mission  boards.  Without  this  help  the  Commission  could  not 
have  continued  its  work.  Mention  should  be  made  also  of  the  notable 
work  of  certain  individual  ministers  and  church  officials  in  local  com- 
munities and  in  general  movements. 

The  masses  of  the  church  people,  however,  do  not  seem  to  realize 
that  race  relations  in  America  constitute  a peculiar  challenge  to  those 
who  accept  the  Christian  philosophy  of  life  and  lay  upon  them  a 
special  obligation.  Apparently  they  have  given  little  thought  to  the 
implications  of  their  Christian  faith  as  it  applies  to  race  relations. 
This  in  turn  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  very  few  ministers  are 
placing  any  emphasis  whatever  on  this  point.  The  religious  education 
programs  of  the  denominations  working  in  the  South  show  the  begin- 
nings of  a conscience  on  this  subject,  but  as  yet  they  deal  only  indirect- 
ly and  fragmentarily  with  this  fundamental  problem  of  human  rela- 
tions. 

One  is  surprised  to  find  that  the  church  colleges  on  a whole  show  a 
less  aggressive  and  definite  interest  in  this  question  than  do  the  state 
and  independent  institutions.  This  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that 
their  emphasis  is  theological  rather  than  social  and  economic.  Even 
so,  it  would  seem  that,  children  of  the  churches  as  they  are,  they  could 
hardly  escape  a peculiar  sense  of  obligation  in  relation  to  this 
question. 

If  racial  peace,  cooperation  and  justice  are  ever  to  be  established, 
a larger  use  must  be  made  of  the  opportunity  presented  by  the  edu- 
cation of  children.  Without  doubt  the  seeds  of  racial  antagonism,  sus- 
picion, and  fear  are  sown  very  early  in  life,  as  the  result  of  indirect 
and  more  or  less  unconscious  forces  at  work  in  the  home,  in  the  schools, 
and  even  in  the  clrurches.  This  is  a field  that  urgently  needs  the  at- 
tention of  the  best  educators  and  the  largest  resources  that  could  be 
put  into  it.  An  encouraging  beginning  has  been  made  during  the  year 
by  the  publication  of  a book  developed  through  an  actual  experiment 
with  white  children  under  competent  educational  leadership.  It  is 
entitled  “The  Upward  Climb”,  and  has  been  published  by  the  Mis- 
sionary Education  Movement,  150  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York  City. 

NEGRO  SUFFRAGE 

In  a decision  of  the  Federal  Supreme  Court  rendered  in  1927  the 
right  of  Negroes  to  vote  in  legalized  Democratic  primaries  in  Texas 
was  unequivocally  affirmed.  It  is  well  known,  of  course,  that  in 
recent  years  Negroes  have  been  largely  eliminated  from  politics  in 
many  states  by  exclusion  from  the  Democratic  primaries.  There  seems 


to  be  no  doubt  that  this  is  an  important  legal  decision,  but  its  practi- 
cal effects  cannot  as  yet  be  stated. 

The  comments  of  the  Texas  press  were  as  interesting  as  the  de- 
cision itself.  The  Houston  Post-Dispatch  calls  for  the  repeal  of  the 
whole  law  in  question  as  a “useless  and  senseless  provision  in  a primary 
election  law  full  of  glaring  faults.”  The  Houston  Chronicle  says, 
“No  legislative  body  in  America  has  the  right  to  classify  men  by 
color  or  race  in  the  passage  of  laws.”  The  Austin  American  says, 
“Does  it  take  color  of  the  skin  to  make  a Democrat?  Isn’t  a man  a 
Democrat  who  believes  in  the  Jeffersonian  principles  of  democracy?” 
And  the  Dallas  News  among  other  things  said:  “These  gentlemen 

who  are  so  anxious  about  the  purity  of  the  Democratic  primary  en- 
tertain that  attitude  in  the  belief  that  voting  the  ticket  straight  is 
an  evidence  of  inward  excellence.  If  that  be  so,  then  the  fact  that  an 
occasional  Negro  wishes  to  imitate  his  white  neighbor  is  at  once  a 
compliment  to  them  and  a testimonial  to  his  good  taste.  In  any  case 
there  is  no  maintenance  of  white  superiority  in  introducing  into 
laws  of  the  white  man’s  making  the  spirit  of  lying  pretense.  Nor  is 
it  any  more  reputable  to  conduct  campaigns  before  white  men  on  the 
preposterous  theory  that  Texas  is  threatened  now  or  ever  is  likely 
to  be  threatened  by  Negro  domination  of  the  Democratic  party.” 

These  editorials  are  typical  of  a somewhat  widespread  discussion 
that  has  been  taking  place  regarding  the  Negro  and  the  ballot,  all  of 
which  would  seem  to  indicate  that  many  serious-minded  persons  are 
trying  to  re-think  the  whole  political  situation  which  has  arisen  be- 
cause of  the  interracial  population  of  the  South. 

George  Fort  Milton,  editor  of  the  Chattanooga  News,  has  recently 
said,  “Many  Southerners  like  myself  favor  a greater  exercise  of  the 
franchise  by  the  Negro  throughout  the  South,  believing  that  he  would 
be  a greater  asset  if  he  were  trained  for  political,  legal,  and  economic 
equality  with  the  whites.  But  1 confess  freely  that  the  voting  Negro, 
in  cities  which  have  come  under  my  observation,  has  hitherto  served 
merely  as  a tool  for  debauching  elections,  and  maintaining  corrupt 
and  unfit  men  in  power. 

“But  there  are  hopeful  features  in  this  situation.  Intelligent  and 
educated  Negroes  show  an  increasing  tendency  to  revolt  against  cast- 
ing their  ballots  in  bloc  at  the  bidding  of  a local  political  machine. 
As  Negro  education  increases,  as  his  economic  condition  improves, 
the  Negro  will  undoubtedly  show  a greater  tendency  to  pay  his  own 
poll  tax,  qualify  under  the  law,  make  up  his  own  mind  on  political 
issues,  and  cast  his  vote.  The  next  generation  will  inevitably  see  a 
great  change  in  the  condition  of  Negro  suffrage  in  the  South.” 


INTER RACIAL  COOPERATION 


For  nearly  ten  years  now  there  has  been  in  progress  a definite  effort 
to  experiment  in  closer  cooperation  between  white  and  colored  lead- 
ers. This  was  brought  about  by  the  war  and  the  tense  racial  situations 
that  immediately  followed  it.  The  Commission  on  Interracial  Cooper- 
ation, a South-wide  organization  of  white  and  colored  men  and  women, 
now  numbering  nearly  a hundred,  undertook  at  first  to  meet  these 
situations.  In  eight  hundred  counties  groups  of  white  and  colored 
men  and  women  were  brought  together.  Their  task,  of  course,  was 
first  to  prevent  actual  interracial  hostilities,  but  their  reaction  to  this 
first  situation  was  so  intelligent  and  effective  that  it  seemed  possible  to 
turn  them  to  a multitude  of  constructive  tasks  about  which  they  have 
been  busy  ever  since. 

In  the  larger  communities  of  the  South  these  committees  have  be- 
come more  or  less  a fixed  part  of  the  community  machinery.  Because 
of  a limited  staff,  the  Commission  has  been  unable  to  keep  in  close 
touch  with  most  of  the  committees  in  the  smaller  towns  and  rural 
sections.  However,  a cross  section  study  of  a large  number  of  these 
communities  in  the  autumn  of  1927  revealed  the  fact  that  the  persons 
originally  appointed  on  the  committees  were  in  many  instances  still 
working  together  along  lines  of  community  improvement.  They  are 
accomplishing  a great  many  things,  and  that,  too,  with  hardly  any 
stimulation  from  the  outside.  Cooperation  has  become  spontaneous 
and  indigenous  in  many  of  these  rural  sections.  The  Commission  has 
not  been  trying  primarily  to  build  an  organization,  but  rather  a new 
community  habit,  that  of  conference  and  cooperation  between  white 
and  colored  neighbors,  which  will  go  on  without  outside  promotion. 
The  Commission  is  greatly  encouraged,  therefore,  to  find  this  habit 
growing  and  becoming  more  and  more  the  normal  means  of  dealing 
with  community  needs.  It  is  most  encouraging  that  the  Commission 
is  now  with  increasing  frequency  called  into  communities  to  advise 
and  guide  these  indigenous  groups,  rather  than  going  in  on  its  own 
initiative  to  try  to  organize  something. 

From  the  standpoint  of  organization,  somewhat  greater  emphasis 
has  been  put  on  the  building  of  formal  state  committees.  There  are 
eleven  of  these  in  the  thirteen  Southern  States.  Missouri,  Maryland, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Michigan  have  also  organized  state  committees 
along  the  same  general  lines.  These  committees  are  composed  of 
leading  white  and  colored  citizens,  men  and  women,  representing  var- 
ious state  interests  and  agencies.  They  meet  once  or  twice  a year  to 
discuss  matters  of  state-wide  importance,  to  plan  programs  of  gen- 


eral  education,  and  to  study  together  siacli  needs  as  should  be  met  by 
legislation,  appropriations  by  legislatures,  etc.  These  unofficial  state 
organizations  are  composed  of  from  fifty  to  several  hundred  members 
each,  as  conditions  seem  to  demand.  They  are  exercising  a real  in- 
fluence in  the  promotion  of  justice  and  better  understanding. 

The  general  Commission  on  Interracial  Cooperation,  which  fosters 
and  assists  these  hundreds  of  state  and  local  committees,  in  addition 
to  its  own  South-wide  program  of  education,  has  a staff  of  seven  work- 
ers in  the  headquarters  office,  and  six  in  the  field.  A larger  field  force 
is  imperatively  needed  to  give  more  direct  and  continuous  stimula- 
tion and  assistance  to  the  many  local  and  state  groups. 

After  all,  it  is  probable  that  the  most  valuable  result  of  this  work  has 
been  indirect.  In  the  various  interracial  groups  that  have  been  com- 
ing together  for  the  last  ten  years,  the  best  representatives  of  each  race 
have  become  known  to  each  other,  and  the  two  racial  groups  have 
reached  a fuller  mutual  understanding  and  a better  knowledge  of  con- 
ditions. Out  from  these  groups  scores  of  men  and  women  have  gone 
into  the  community  life,  where  through  organizations  and  personal 
contacts  they  are  exercising  wide-spread  constructive  influences  for 
the  building  of  better  race  relations. 

THE  BLACK  BELT 

The  geographic  area  in  which  the  least  progress  has  been  effected 
in  improving  interracial  relations  is  the  so-called  Black  Belt — rural 
counties  with  more  than  forty  per  cent  Negroes.  In  this  rural  situa- 
tion, contacts  are  of  primary  nature.  This  fact  is  tremendously  signi- 
ficant by  reason  of  the  deep-seated  fears  which  the  white  man  of  the 
Black  Belt  has  inherited  from  the  past.  A corresponding  fear  has 
been  inherited  by  the  Negro. 

Racial  attitudes  in  this  area  are  directly  inherited  from  the  slave 
regime.  This  determines  the  white  man’s  evaluation  of  the  Negro’s 
possibilities  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Negro’s  estimate  of  himself  on 
the  other.  Hence,  the  Negro  is  far  less  removed  here  than  elsewhere 
from  slavery  and  its  attendant  attitudes,  conditions,  and  practices. 

In  spite  of  the  boll  weevil  and  migration,  the  Black  Belt  still  exists 
and  the  majority  of  Negroes  in  America  are  found  there.  The  amelio- 
rating influences  that  have  helped  to  improve  race  relations  generally 
in  America  have  as  yet  had  little  or  no  effect  in  the  Black  Belt  coun- 
ties owing  to  the  backwardness  of  the  Negro  and  the  determination 
of  the  white  man  to  maintain  the  status  quo.  And  yet,  this  section  is 
the  final  testing  ground  of  America’s  ability  to  work  out  her  race 
problem.  In  recognition  of  this  fact,  the  Georgia  Committee  on  Liter- 
racial  Cooperation,  in  cooperation  with  the  Institute  for  Research  in 


Social  Science  of  the  University  of  North  Carolina  and  other  agencies, 
is  now  making  an  exhaustive  study  of  race  contacts  in  two  Black 
Belt  counties  of  Georgia,  with  the  hope  that  the  findings  may  become 
the  basis  of  an  intelligent  and  effective  approach  to  the  situation  in 
these  rural  Black  Belt  counties. 

TIIE  MASS  MIND 

In  the  last  analysis  the  problem  of  racial  understanding  and  justice 
is  the  problem  of  the  mass  mind.  Fear,  suspicion,  contempt,  the  denial 
of  essential  humanity,  and  the  determination  to  suppress  are  still  al- 
most universally  found  in  the  minds  of  the  masses.  These  attitudes 
are  surprising  and  amazing  in  their  depth  and  inflexibility.  They  are 
inheritances  from  the  past,  complicated  by  economic,  political,  ami 
social  conditions  which  are  very  difficult  to  change.  Yet  it  is  this 
mass  which  must  finally  be  dealt  with  if  we  are  to  achieve  any  ap- 
proximation of  interracial  justice  here  in  America.  And  this  is  a 
long  and  difficult  task.  There  are  no  quick  and  easy  solutions,  and  he 
who  looks  for  a panacea  will  be  disappointed.  Progress  is  possible 
in  two  ways:  first,  by  the  amelioration  of  present  acute  situations, 
and,  second,  by  the  long  range  processes  of  study  and  education  which 
go  to  the  roots  of  social  maladjustment.  The  Interracial  Commission, 
through  its  headquarters  and  field  staff  and  its  local  and  state  com- 
mittees, is  working  at  both  these  tasks.  Neither  is  easy.  Enough  gain 
has  been  made  to  warrant  greater  effort,  and  the  vast  field  that  has 
not  yet  been  touched  presents  a stirring  challenge  to  wisdom,  courage, 
and  patience. 


Sample  copies  of  this  pamphlet  H’ill  be  supplied  without  charge  to  any  one  inter- 
ested or  it  may  be  had  in  quantities  at  the  rate  of  $1.25  per  hundred. 

COMMISSION  ON  INTERRACIAL  COOPERATION 

409  Palmer  Building 
Atlanta,  Ga. 


